Carl Jung (1875-1961) - I. Introduction, Initiation, and the Collective Unconscious

by Sean Jobst 

26 July 2020 

Today is the birthday of a great thinker who has been one of my influences these past three years, primarily for giving me a framework to make sense of my inner journey. He provided concrete form and terms to the deepest aspects of the internal self, that which cannot always be named much less quantified. Carl Jung (1875-1961) is more than a psychologist, for he went beyond the rigid scientism of his peers into a way of thinking that was new only insofar as it challenged the dogmas that dominated his field. Despite the "youth" (jung) of his name, he tapped into the most ancient wisdom that remained latent all these centuries. 

 

Not only a Swiss psychologist, Jung was a European mystic and a Germanic shaman, aware that the Siberian term described spiritual realities that had parallels under other names across the world, including among Germanic peoples. He thus became a 20th century mystic and shaman, speaking within the language of his century while shedding light on the primordial underneath various myths, symbols and patterns. He traveled across various worlds of the self into a holistic frame for the timeless adage "Know Thyself". Aside from my inner journey, his work has also helped me make sense of other people's motives, allowing a better picture of the psychology behind political ideologies and current events all the while conveying that these come and go, but that which truly matters will remain timeless.

Confrontation with Freud. Jung tapped deep within the well of our European ancestral knowledge, whereas proponents of his colleague, Sigmund Freud, blended the latter's assumptions in a political marriage with the Marxism of the Frankfurt School and harnessed it to purposes of mass manipulation via Freud's nephew, Edward Bernays - all enabled by well-funded networks.(1) Jungian Psychology is about truly knowing yourself while simultaneously better knowing others: "My life has been permeated and held together by one idea and one goal: namely, to penetrate into the secret of the personality. Everything can be explained from this central point and all my works relate to this one theme."(2)

In contrast, Freud's dogmas are a distortion of the self, an escape from the Shadow Work essential for any lasting personal growth, instead melting into a herd mentality that is a mere image of one's own projections. Freud was obsessed about what he termed a "Semitic vengeance", using the historical figure of Hannibal to represent himself and a nebulous "Rome" as the projection of his own insecurities.(3) Underscoring the stark differences in how the two psychologists applied historic examples to modern times, Jung wrote: "In those times the omnipresent, crushing power of Rome, embodied in the divine Caesar, had created a world where countless individuals, indeed whole peoples, were robbed of their cultural independence and of their spiritual autonomy. Today, individuals and cultures are faced with a similar threat, namely of being swallowed up in the mass."(4)

Much social and psychological conflict was born out of their confrontation on the central factor behind the development of personality. While Freud identified this as the libido, hence why most of his theories were obsessed about sexuality, Jung upheld the collective unconscious - memories and other inherited features from one's ancestors. "I can still recall vividly how Freud said to me, 'My dear Jung, promise me never to abandon the sexual theory. That is the most essential thing of all. You see, we must make a dogma of it, an unshakable bulwark.'"(5) Sexuality has been socially cheapened, adding a "shame" and "guilt" ridden with taboos disguised as a "liberation", whereas Jung gives it a healthy function within a broader personal development that includes many deeper factors. This was a symptom of Freud's appeal to authority and dogmas, both rejected by Jung as anathema to his commitment to truth and wisdom.

Their second primary disagreement centered around the nature of the Unconscious, with Freud reducing it solely as repressed emotions and desires. The latter Jung clarified as the "personal unconscious", in contrast to a more collective Unconscious revealing itself through various archetypes across time and space.(6) Any shamanic journey traverses boundaries and the profound truth uncovered by Jung was that the Unconscious worked in the same way, so that one who goes deeper into their selves can go on their own journey. The guideposts along the way are your intuition and ancestors: "The less we understand of what our fathers and forefathers sought, the less we understand ourselves, and thus we help with all our might to rob the individual of his roots and his guiding instincts, so that he becomes a particle in the mass, ruled only by what Nietzsche called the spirit of gravity."(7)

Jung's Initiation. In a profound 1909 incident, Jung and Freud were arguing over the role of precognition and parapsychology, with Jung upholding their value and Freud dismissing it as not quantifiable, when the former predicted a book loudly falling from a nearby shelf: "That is an example of a so-called catalytic exteriorization phenomenon."(8) We can take this as a symbolic victory of his approach, for he cut through dogmas into the intuition that manifests through synchronicities - or "meaningful coincidences" and patterns in life. I have experienced these in my own life the past few years, balancing out a strict left-brain "book learning" with a right-brain intuitive and creative impulse which finally produced changes in my own life. This incident sparked Jung's "Dark Night of the Soul", similar to what I observed about Walpurgisnacht, in which he tapped into dreams and visions, and drew Mandalas, all the while seeming to be guided by a deeper force beyond his conscious as he later wrote:

"The years when I pursued the inner images, were the most important time of my life. Everything else is to be derived from this. It began at that time, and the later details hardly matter anymore. My entire life consisted in elaborating what had burst forth from the unconscious and flooded me like an enigmatic stream and threatened to break me. That was the stuff and material for more than only one life. Everything later was merely the outer classification, scientific elaboration, and the integration into life. But the numinous beginning, which contained everything, was then."(9)

An unfolding process revealed itself through the bull symbol of the ancient Persian and Roman mystery religion of Mithraism. In May 1910, Jung gave his first public lecture on the topic of Mithraic myths and images. Still on speaking terms, Freud wrote to him in June that Mithras' slaying of the bull represented "the killing of the animal ego by the human ego, as the mythological projection of repression, in which the subliminated part of the human being (the conscious ego) sacrifices (regretfully) its vigorous drives." Jung responded in a letter on 26th June: "there must be something very typical in the fact that the central symbol of fecundity, the useful and generally accepted (not censored) alter ego of Mithras (the bull) is slain by another sexual symbol [scorpion biting the bull's testicles]. The self-sacrifice is voluntary and involuntary at once (the same conflict as in the death of Christ)." Jung further noted on the authority of the great Flemish scholar of Mithras, Franz Cumont, that "the Mithras Myth has undergone an adaptation to the calendar."(10) 

Under the influence of his disciple and lover Antonia "Toni" Wolff, Jung developed an interest in astrology which he applied to Mithras. He wrote to Freud on 12 June 1911: "My evenings are taken up largely with astrology. I make horoscopic calculations in order to find a clue to the core of psychological truth." Noting Freud's astrological sign of Taurus, Jung later symbolized his break with him as Mithras killing the bull. He elaborated on these topics in "The Sacrifice," a chapter in his Wandlungen und Symbole der Libido (1912), where he linked the Mithraic tauroctony with both Taurus and sexuality: "Taurus is astrologically the Domicilium Veneris." Mithras himself was the "sacrificer and the sacrificed....it is only his animal nature that Mithras sacrifices, his instinctuality."(11) This later matured into his view that the bull personified the alter ego of Mithras. As for the common motif of the serpent, he said in a 1925 seminar: 

"The snake has a fascinating appeal, a peculiar attraction through fear. Some people are fascinated by this fear. Things that are awe-inspiring and dangerous have an extraordinary attraction. This combination of fear and attraction is shown, for instance, when a bird is hypnotized by a snake, for the bird flutters down to fight the snake, and then becomes attracted and held by the snake. The serpent shows the way to hidden things and expresses the introverting libido, which leads man to go beyond the point of safety, and beyond the limits of consciousness, as expressed by the deep crater. The snake is also Yin, the dark female power. The Chinese would not use the snake (i.e., dragon) as a symbol for Yin, but for Yang. In Chinese, the Yin is symbolized by the tiger and the Yang by the dragon."(12)

In a vision, Jung saw himself with outstretched arms and a large snake around his body, his head morphing into a lion's head much like other Mithraic symbolism. He saw himself increasingly tapping into the distant indigenous European past which was inescapable: "You cannot get conscious of these unconscious facts without giving yourself to them. They form part of the ancient mysteries. In fact, it is such figures that made the mysteries."(13) In addition to the Mithraic images ultimately connecting back to Iran and India - perhaps he was also aware of the Mithraeum in Swabia, homeland of his paternal family - in his visions and induced trances, he saw Hellenistic and Egyptian images. "There are things in the psyche which I do not produce, but which produce themselves and have their own life," he recounted in Memories, Dreams, Reflections. As his perception deepened, Jung increasingly looked into his own Germanic archetypes, especially with the god Wotan as I'll expand upon in Part 2. 

Collective Unconscious and Archetypes. This is what he termed his "deification" experience, in which the old gods of the pre-Christian era are embedded deeply and firmly within the European Unconscious, beneath the Abrahamic repressive mask of the Conscious. This sparked a lifelong shamanic journey wherein he knew there was no going back. For he came to know himself as a spectator of his thoughts; that what he would term the Archetypes were working through the psyche, so that the deities of one's most ancient Ancestors live on within the descendants of a tribe or ethnic group. The deities being Archetypes does not make them less "real" to those aware of the Animistic reality that there is a consciousness within all things. A denial of these Archetypes is like denying yourself and the ego, what makes the individual truly unique. Monotheism is an aberration in human history, with Polytheism accepting the innate multiplicities of Nature, the Cosmos, and the Psyche. 

Jung added the essential ingredient to our entire understanding of Archetypes. The term itself had already been used in the German Romantic movement, with Goethe (whom Jung was convinced had some connection to his family) using it in relation to "primordial image". Another influence was the evolutionary biologist Ernst Haeckel, with Jung seeing biology as a vessel for that repository of ancestral memories and impulses called the Unconscious. Jung formulated his theory following a dream he had with three descending floors - the top one was contemporary, the middle was a Roman style, and the lowest level was a prehistoric cave. Rather than being linear, it could be that all three combined in a cycle of death, birth, and rebirth - much like the three-fold Fates or Norns motif - all having a part within the Unconscious. And just like he found himself a spectator of his own thoughts, Jung observed that these Archetypes often work without the individual's awareness.

Whereas the personal unconscious originates after birth, the Collective Unconscious is a storehouse of inherited images not based on personal experiences. These ancestral memories are more important than individual memories, and come forth as needed in various situations of a person's life. Jung was profoundly affected by the same images and archetypes recurring in his German and Swiss patients' dreams, especially with Wotan, so there had to be some deeper force behind this phenomenon. "The collective unconscious comprises in itself the psychic life of our ancestors right back to the earliest beginnings. It is the matrix of all conscious psychic occurrences, and hence it exerts an influence that compromises the freedom of consciousness in the highest degree since it is continually striving to lead all conscious processes back into the old paths."(14)

Jung makes an incredible analogy: "Archetypes are like river beds which dry up when the water deserts them, but which it can find again at any time. An archetype is like an old watercourse along which the water of life has flowed for centuries, digging a deep channel for itself. The longer it has flowed in this channel the more likely it is that sooner or later the water will return to its old bed."(15) Our Ancestors believed the water to be conscious, so that these Archetypes also hold a consciousness. Archetypes erode the subconscious over time, but the riverbed remains ready to be filled with them even if that conscious force now seems "dead". The way this river flows may change and shift, but the basic elements remain the same. So it is in how these Archetypes act over an individual's life, as we shall see with Wotan and other examples.

Footnotes:

(1) For example, via the elitist Institute for Policy Studies, as I discussed in my article about the BLM leaders' Communist and Globalist connections: https://sjobst.blogspot.com/2020/07/blm-leaders-have-communist-and.html.

(2) Carl Jung. Memories, Dreams, Reflections. New York: Pantheon Books, 1961, p. 206.

(3) See Thomas Szasz. The Myth of Psychotherapy: Mental Healing as Religion, Rhetoric, and Repression. New York: Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1978, pp. 146-147, citing Freud's The Interpretation of Dreams.

(4) Jung, op. cit., p. 212.

(5) ibid., p. 150.

(6) Jung, "The Concept of the Collective Unconscious," 1936; in Jung, Collected Works, Vol. 9, Part I: The Archetypes and the Collective Unconscious, New York: Pantheon Books, 1959, p. 43.

(7) Memories, Dreams, Reflections, p. 236.

(8) ibid., p. 155.

(9) ibid., p. 21.

(10) Richard Noll, "Jung the Leontocephalus," in Jung in Contexts: A Reader, ed. Paul Bishop. London/New York: Routledge, 1999, p. 67.

(11) ibid.

(12) Jung, "Notes on the Seminar," 1925, p. 102.

(13) Quoted in Noll, op. cit., p. 60.

(14) Jung, "The Structure and Dynamics of the Psyche," p. 230; The Collected Works of C.G. Jung, Vol. 1, eds. Herbert Read, Michael Fordham, et. al. New York: Bollingen Foundation and Princeton University Press, 1983, p. 112.

(15) Jung, "Wotan," Neue Schweizer Rundschau (Zürich), III, March 1936, pp. 657-669; and Aufsatze Zurzeitgeschichte (Zürich), 1946, pp. 1-23.

In Memorium: The Conspirators of 20th July 1944

by Sean Jobst

20 July 2020

Claus von Stauffenberg

On 20th July 1944, a diverse group of individuals from different sectors of German society led by a principled core of Wehrmacht officers, had a fateful date with history. The action they decided to take meant there was no turning back and many fully suspected it would end in their mortal deaths. Yet they knew not acting would have worse consequences, for they were men highly conscious of not only their personal but all of Germany's honor and memory. By their Conspiracy to assassinate Hitler and overthrow the Party State, they may have been "traitors" to tyranny but they were in every sense heroes to the Geheimes Deutschland, secret Germany, that remained immortal underneath changing political structures.

While the events of that fateful day have been well-documented down to the smallest detail, more legendary are their motives. These were as varied as the Conspirators themselves, but among the core group of officers there were common features allowing us to see them as the patriots they were, despite the claims of the regime and its apologists that they were "traitors" to Germany; and the principled men they were, despite the claims of Germanophobic court historians who peddle in aspersions about their "opportunism" and other ignoble motives. As such these were men who rejected all sides of the dialectics that, in their different ways, were enemies to the German nation. So it's no surprise such enemies have maligned these men.

Referring to the poisoned shirt that led to Hercules' death, Generalmajor Henning von Tresckow told fellow Conspirator Lieutenant Fabian von Schlabrendorff these last words: "No one among us can complain about dying, for whoever joined our ranks put on the shirt of Nessus. A man's moral worth is established only at the point where he is ready to give his life in defense of his convictions"(Fest, 289-290). For Colonel Claus von Stauffenberg, failure might be inevitable "but even worse than failure is to yield to shame and coercion without a struggle"(ibid., 254). It was no accident that generally these military officers were the men of action within the Conspiracy, vis-a-vis timid civilian would-be leaders, for these officers felt duty-bound to serving the Nation and guaranteeing its honor: "In Stauffenberg's eyes the armed forces were one of the essential pillars of the nation, called upon to guarantee both its security and reputation"(Kramarz, 43).

Henning von Tresckow

The Conspirators had different visions for Germany, but they subordinated these differences in the common cause to be "traitors" to the regime so as to serve the Nation. There were strong undercurrents of the Conservative Revolution within the officer circle, the Conspiracy being one refuge for many of these who had engaged in an "inner emigration" from the regime (Tauber, I, 18). Through their actions, looking ahead more to how future generations would view them than how they were spun within their lifetime, these residual elements kept alive the "political alternatives beyond Nazi totalitarianism, neoliberalism, and party-parliamentarism"(ibid., 125). I term this alternative the Geheimes Deutschland, words uttered by the mystical poet Stefan George who planted the seeds through his disciples the Stauffenberg brothers, long after his own death in December 1933.

Upholding an "aristocracy of the spirit" to protect Germany's "inner strength", George taught mental discipline and "form" as an ideal, "the air which the intellectual movement in Germany must breathe if it was to live"(Kramarz, 29-30). Contrary to how the term was hijacked, he envisioned a "Neue Reich" as a realm of culture and the spirit over anything political. His goal of "producing a good new race of men" was embodied by the words Geheimes Deutschland, a poem he dedicated to Berthold von Stauffenberg and which formed the last words of Claus as he was facing the executioners' bullets: "Es lebe unser geheimes Deutschland!" (Long Live our secret Germany). Just as George had carried on the old German mystical tradition, Stauffenberg and the Conspirators' actions allowed the intellectual seeds to be transmitted for this inner strength long after their deaths.

Stefan George with Claus and Berthold

Much has been made of many of the Conspirators coming from aristocratic backgrounds, but more important was their service that transcended class. Interviewed by the authors Michael Baigent and Richard Leigh, Claus von Stauffenberg's son defined his father's action as stemming from this obligation of service: "This was in the family tradition. We are not really a military family. Public service, really. I absolutely feel the sense of public service. As I understand it, this feeling is part of nobility"(Baigent and Leigh, 106). This led those authors to observe: "As always with Stauffenberg, the sense of aristocratic responsibility functioned as a governing principle, a moral imperative. It went hand in hand with a respect for the people, but a mistrust of the mob"(ibid., 151). Action had a direct correlation to these values, as defined by Claus himself: "Freedom can only be won by action"(Kramarz, 132). Lieutenant Fritz-Dietlof von der Schulenburg, a Strasserite slated for the role of Interior Minister in a post-Conspiracy government, spoke in 1931 of "the chivalric ideal of service to the population as a whole"(Mommsen, 168).

These were men descended from a long line of people who had served the Nation, imbued with the ethos of all Germanic tribes and regions. Supporting regional self-governance down to the most local level, Schulenburg worried: "Too much centralization would hugely inflate the state bureaucracy and thus increase its political power"(ibid., 170). As noted by their childhood friend Theodor Pfizer, the Swabian Stauffenbergs "were rooted in this soil, they blossomed in this air." Indeed, they saw "Swabia as the heir  to the humanist tradition of the Renaissance, and pride themselves on the fact that Schiller, Hölderlin and the nineteenth-century poet and nouvelle writer Eduard Mörike 'all had their roots here'"(Baigent and Leigh, 104). Given my own Swabian heritage, I take special pride in this tradition which stems from our ancestral culture built upon Hallstatt, Suebi and Alemanni values, nurtured by centuries of freedom-loving men and women, and given expression by our intellectuals.

The Prussian Tresckow refuted notions of his region's "militarism" (a common trope used to blame Germany for World War I) in 1943: "The idea of freedom can never be disassociated from the real Prussia. The real Prussian spirit means a synthesis between restraint and freedom, between voluntary subordination and conscientious leadership, between pride in oneself and consideration for others, between rigour and compassion. Unless a balance is kept between these qualities, the Prussian spirit is in danger of degenerating into soulless routine and narrow-minded dogmatism"(Balfour, 130). This is the true spirit of that region, not that of Prussia's ruling elites which subjugated other German regions. A lesson I personally learned, tending to view Prussianization as synonymous with a centralism inimical with our South German regions - but finding a greater appreciation of this "Prussian spirit" via the lives of Tresckow and Schulenburg.

Fritz-Dietlof von den Schulenburg

Far from being either militarists or opportunists as maligned by both dialectics, the Conspirators were humanitarians who wanted to ensure the war they were unable to prevent was ended quickly and led to a lasting justice. Seeing the "Night of the Long Knives" in 1934 as the first sign of the regime's lack of respect for concepts of law and justice, Stauffenberg worried: "The fool (Hitler) is bent on war and is prepared to squander the flower of Germany's manhood twice in the same generation"(Baigent and Leigh, 177). Claus was fully aware his fateful action would be misconstrued as "treason" by many, but was resilient: "I know that he who acts will go down in German history as a traitor; but he who can and does not will be a traitor to his conscience. If I did not act to stop this senseless killing, I should never be able to face the war's widows and orphans"(Hoffmann, 127).

The Conspirators were proud of being Germans from their specific regions of the Nation and this only deepened their vision for a decentralist Europe of regions. The great philosopher Ernst Jünger maintained close ties with the Wehrmacht  conspirators in Paris, who circulated his thirty-page book Der Friede (The Peace) that proposed such a visionary post-war Europe. The diplomat and lawyer Adam von Trott zu Solz, slated for the position of Secretary of State if the Conspirators had been successful, desired a "fraternal bonding of the ordinary people of Europe" against both plutocracy and the Soviet threat (Mommsen, 185). For Stauffenberg: "In his view, the war should not lead to a sort of colonization of Europe but to the final elimination of centuries old tensions"(Kramarz, 77). Schulenburg envisioned the creation of various agricultural "partnerships" to usher in "the swing from the city to the countryside" and form a "new Europe with an eastern bulwark," founded upon the three principles of preventing exploitation, protecting basic individual freedoms, and the rule of law in place of arbitrary powers (Mommsen, 160).

Ernst Jünger

Stauffenberg and the Conspirators were more than justified in their actions, putting their duty to the Nation over a misguided "loyalty" to a leader who had time and time again betrayed his own oaths and hampered the war effort with his own serious mistakes and micromanaging over the Wehrmacht, especially on the Eastern Front. They were not breaking their oaths because the oath of the other party had already been nullified. But they were fully absolved of any "guilt" exactly because their true oath was to the German Nation and neither one person or a Party whose own rise to power lended more to palace intrigue and coercion. One of the few survivors of the Conspiracy, Major Philipp von Boeselager, cited Hitler's military ineptitude, bribery of Army leaders, and civilian Party leaders willfully oblivious to the military situation (Boeselager, 84-93) as a primary motive for his Tresckow Group.

I am the proud descendant of a great-grandfather who was a Wehrmacht Unteroffizier with the Gebirgsjäger, killed in action near the Caucasus in February 1943. The Wehrmacht were greeted as liberators by the various peoples of the Soviet Union, long oppressed by Bolshevism. It took measures to win over the local peoples, seeing their enemy as the totalitarian system called Bolshevism and not the peoples of the East. This was certainly true for Ukraine, the Cossack region of southern Russia, and the Caucasus. "The success of these measures was soon to be seen. There was no guerrilla warfare in the Caucasus, and the North Caucasian people were soon fighting enthusiastically on the German side"(Kramarz, 101). On their heels came SS ideologues and Party administrators, imbued with an archaic German chauvinism against Slavic peoples, squandering all the goodwill engendered by the Wehrmacht. 

It was the Wehrmacht which then had to bear the brunt of these actions, in the form of partisan attacks and allowing Stalin to turn the tide by appealing to "Mother Russia" rather than the Comintern. His later actions against central and eastern Europe shows just how much the old Communist subversion remained, but his appeals worked as much owing to ineptitude of the German National Socialist leaders as to the connivance of the Western Allied leaders. So it was that the officers of the Conspiracy were fighting as much against the harmful attitudes of the civilian leaders and ideologues as much as they were fighting the outer threat of Communists: "And so we had not only to prevent the Russian steam-roller from crushing eastern Europe, but also to curb the SS's capacity for destruction" (Boeselager, 123). This realization is what led Stalin's propagandists to greet news of the failed Conspiracy: "Hitlerite Germany will be driven to her knees not by insurgent officers, but by ourselves and our Allies!"(Beschloss, 7).

The Wehrmacht was initially greeted as liberators
by the oppressed peoples of the Soviet Union, but 
potential allies against Bolshevism was squandered
by the regime's anti-Slavism, spearheaded by civilians

Stauffenberg was a humanitarian to Czechs and Poles while posted in those countries, despite the brutal actions of the likes of Erich Koch that owe more to the medieval Teutonic Knights, fighting in the name of Christianity against heathen Slavs, than anything truly Germanic. It was Stauffenberg who later used his position to create a Russian Liberation Army, winning over many Cossacks and Russian soldiers, only to be repeatedly hampered by Party leaders. Hitler personally spurned Ukrainians and others allying with Germany (Boeselager, 83, 194-195fn2), clinging to anti-Slavic old colonial notions even while this could have turned the tide and saved millions of lives. Stauffenberg "was especially outraged at the treatment given to Soviet soldiers who had surrendered or been captured; he spoke about this openly and with passion"(Herwarth, 216).

Schulenburg upheld the right of peoples under German occupation to maintain their "national character" and "freedom to pursue their own cultural and political development unhindered." Perhaps aware of Nietzsche's famous adage about fighting monsters lest one becomes a monster themselves, Schulenburg warned against "Bolshevism in another form" "if people and property in the occupied lands were seen as mere objects for ruthless exploitation" and he called for a "common Germano-Slavic destiny"(Mommsen, 160). The Conspirators' unswerving anti-Communist principles are contrary to modern self-professed National-Bolsheviks who also attempt to co-opt their legacy, the Conspirators' opposition to a chauvinistic German colonialism having nothing to do with reducing Germany to subservience in a Moscow-based Eurasianist superstate. For they were patriots in every sense of the word, and it was their love for the Fatherland which spurned them to their fateful action.

Nor were the Conspirators looked upon favorably by the ruling elites and propaganda outlets of the Western Allied countries. Before the House of Commons, Churchill scoffed at them, claiming they were merely trying to elude their inevitable, absolute defeat by "murdering one another"(Beschloss, 7). Roosevelt saw any success of the Conspiracy as contrary to his wish to "remake postwar Germany from the ground up"(ibid., 5). Most American newspapers adopted Hitler's dismissal of the conspirators as "a clique of ambitious officers." The New York Times called Stauffenberg's bomb "an instrument typical of criminals." The New York Herald Tribune gloated on 1st August 1944: "Let the generals kill the corporal or vice-versa - both would suit us." This remained the dogma for Germanophobic court historians who dealt scornfully with the German anti-Hitler resistance, such as William L. Shirer, John Wheeler-Bennett, Henry M. Pachter and Richard J. Evans. They held to a fiction that the German Nation itself held to some deep-seated "militarism", so that the regime was merely an "expression" of this rather than an imposed totalitarian system. In their impulse to completely demonize Germans and make the Allied leaders angelic, they ignore that Hitler had been appointed as Chancellor by Hindenburg against the latter's previous oaths, not a "democratic" consent of the German people. 

The genocidal plan by Theodore Kaufman was
praised by American newspapers and leaders

For the cruel reality was the Conspirators were living in a world where values such as honor and justice were in short supply; one ruled over by forces with their own self-serving motives and not bound by their own good faith. The Allies' absolute insistence on "unconditional surrender" meant that even if successful, the Conspirators could not stem this inevitable tide. Eugen Gerstenmaier, a civilian Conspirator of the Kreisau Circle and a leading postwar CDU member and Bundestag president, made this somber conclusion: "We, the German resistance, did not want to understand it during the war, but we finally learned it afterwards. This war was not fought against Hitler, but it was fought against Germany." The same Western elites and their propaganda outlets had long directed their ire not against Hitler and the Party but Germany itself, peddling in boycotts and "declaration of war" against the entire Nation, as well as very genocidal plans such as those of Henry Morgenthau and Theodore Kaufman.

As if to underscore what the Conspirators were truly up against, there is a "collective guilt" that has been impugned upon the entire German Nation. Yet their courageous actions were the perfect testament against such a notion, as noted by General Adolf Heusinger, who in 1944 had been too "nonpolitical" to participate himself but on its anniversary in 1959, proclaimed that "....they [the men of July 20] are the noblest witnesses against the collective guilt of the German people. Their spirit and posture remain to us [shining] examples"(Tauber, II, 1127fn25). Ironically, such a collectivist attitude as this "guilt" or the thesis of Daniel Goldhagen, was exhibited against the Conspirators' families via the Sippenhaft doctrine introduced by SS leader Heinrich Himmler. Such notions clearly have close parallels with the Old Testament tradition of "Amalek" ("smite and utterly destroy, spare them not" - 1 Samuel 15:3) than anything either Germanic or Western. It was also in keeping with the psychotic fantasies about collective destruction and scorched vengeance that increasingly dominated inside the Berlin Bunker.

The passing of personal responsibility meant that the Conspirators were up against many others who had their inner convictions but misguided sense of oaths no matter how often the leader's oaths to them were violated. And it's also seen in the Allied leaders' insistence on unconditional surrender, for they wanted to see the Conspiracy fail as much as the Hitler regime wanted it to fail, no matter how many millions would have been saved if the war had ended that summer day in 1944. The Conspirators are the remedy to these dialectics, including the treasonous purveyors of this "collective guilt". It could be that the defeat was inevitable, in the same vein as what Franz Schauwecker wrote about World War I: "We had to lose the war in order to gain the nation" (Aufbruch der Nation, 1929). Political structures come and go within history's cycles, but what the Conspirators upheld was a deeper reality - and in this realm, it was they who won and not their detractors of either dialectic. In a word, what was preserved was Geheimes Deutschland - they embodied and preserved it for future generations. And it is in this spirit that I remember them with these words: "Es lebe unser geheimes Deutschland!" Stauffenberg died upon these words so that others may truly live by them.

My visit to Stauffenbergplatz in Stuttgart, 8 July 2016

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

Baigent, Michael, and Richard Leigh. Secret Germany: Stauffenberg and the True Story of Operation Valkyrie. New York: Skyhorse Publishing, 2008.

Balfour, Michael. Withstanding Hitler in Germany, 1933–45. London: Routledge, Chapman & Hall, 1988.

Beschloss, Michael. The Conquerors: Roosevelt, Truman and the Destruction of Hitler's Germany, 1941-1945. New York: Simon and Schuster, 2002.

Boeselager, Philipp Freiherr von. Valkyrie. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2009.

Fest, Joachim. Plotting Hitler's Death: The Story of the German Resistance. New York: Henry Holt & Company, 1994.

Herwarth, Hans von. Against Two Evils: Memoirs of a Diplomat-Soldier during the Third Reich. London: Collins, 1981.

Hoffmann, Peter. "Internal Resistance in Germany," in Contending with Hitler: Varieties of German Resistance in the Third Reich, ed. David Clay Large. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991.

Kramarz, Joachim. Stauffenberg: The Architect of the Famous July 20th Conspiracy to Assassinate Hitler. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1967.

Mommsen, Hans. Alternatives to Hitler: German Resistance Under the Third Reich. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003.

Tauber, Kurt P. Beyond Eagle and Swastika: German Nationalism Since 1945. Vols. I and II. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1967.

BLM leaders have Communist and Globalist connections (Part 2)

by Sean Jobst

18 July 2020

In my previous post, I said unequivocally: The organization that hides behind the slogan "Black Lives Matter" is nothing but a Marxist movement, which many activists accuse of having "hijacked" a cause it sees merely as an excuse to push its political agenda. Harsh words perhaps, but I laid out my evidence based on their own proposals and what many of their actions have caused. It was incubated in the university "intersectional" labs of the Frankfurt School, rather than a truly grassroots community effort. That some lower-level members may be sincere does not negate that the organization and its leaders are subversives. I call out their agenda and will not bend my knee to these Communists.

On 22 July 2015, BLM co-founder Patrisse Cullors was interviewed by Jared Ball, leftist professor of Media and Africana Studies, on his show The Real News Network. To the question of "a lack of ideological direction," Cullors responded @7:00: "The first thing, I think, is that we actually do have an ideological frame. Myself and Alicia [Garza] in particular are trained organizers. We are trained Marxists. We are super-versed on, sort of, ideological theories. And I think that what we really tried to do is build a movement that  could be utilized by many, many black folk. We don't necessarily want to be the vanguard of this movement. I think we've tried to put out a political frame that's about centering who we think are the most vulnerable amongst the black community, to really fight for all of our lives." 

The clenched fist directly comes from Communism

This interview came on the wake of her disrupting the "progressive" Netroots Nation conference, despite more recently being a vocal supporter of Bernie Sanders' political campaign. Despite her criticism of Biden's sponsoring unjust crime bills, Cullors has revealed that ultimately she will support Biden just as Sanders also fell behind him despite the previous criticism of him as the billionaires' candidate. Sanders' own wealth and three homes place him within the top 4% of income earners and his staffer, Kyle Jurek, was caught on camera openly praising the Soviet Gulags, calling them "reeducation" camps that he would want replicated in America, as well as calling for cities to "burn". These Marxists and their "Progressive" fellow-travelers have no fixed principles except capturing power whenever and wherever possible. Those who think they are donating to a non-profit, grassroots effort centered around a specific cause are in for a rude awakening, as BLM is linked to ActBlue, a front for donating to "progressive" political campaigns whose administrators are profiting through such organizations. 

Police brutality is merely the excuse, as we see in how quickly the mobs turned to other causes, no matter how random and bizarre their cancel culture and iconoclasm. There is no end point in their elusive demands, exactly because those interests behind the BLM only care about power - and the leaders of that organization see themselves as the intermediaries between their fellow Communists masquerading as "Progressives", if they ever get the full power they desire, and the communities over which they claim to speak in their lucrative positions as "community organizers". As we will see later, their ideological mentors descend from certain other communities. That the agenda is political can also be seen in the large number of Corporations and various celebrities jumping on their bandwagon, repeating the pre-made slogans like mantras clearly cooked up in some academic laboratories.

Cullors, Garza and Tometi, the three
founders of BLM, Marxist subversives
disguised as"community organizers"

Cullors said "who we think are the most vulnerable", meaning that her ilk set themselves up as leaders over others' discourse. They profit as community organizers. Apparently Cullors' lucrative professorships at Prescott College and Otis College of Art and Design, not to mention her countless for-profit speaking engagements, make her just the right person to speak about "equality" and "social justice". How much of their own wealth have they redistributed into those communities? Clearly they profit from perpetuating injustices, whether real or fabricated. For all their anointing themselves as spokeswomen of an impoverished and oppressed Black urban community, the founders of BLM come from comfortable middle-class backgrounds: 

"[Melina] Abdullah lives in a three-bedroom house in Crenshaw with her three children. She drives a Volvo. She’s a tenured professor and chairs the Pan-African Studies department at Cal State Los Angeles. She’s a member of Alpha Kappa Alpha, the first black sorority. She was appointed by Los Angeles County Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas to the county’s Human Relations Commission. Abdullah, in other words, has more than a toe in the American middle class. But Abdullah, who was born in East Oakland and whose dad was a union organizer and self-proclaimed Trotskyist, has chosen to immerse herself in the black working class and its struggles. She’s not unlike most of the Black Lives Matter leaders — college-educated, middle-class black women who felt compelled to fight against police violence directed at the black community."

Coming from a solidly-Marxist pedigree - daughter of a Trotskyite union boss and grand-daughter of a Marxist economics professor - Melina Abdullah, the co-founder of BLM's Los Angeles branch, has similarly profited from her professorship at Cal State LA and membership on the board of many of the city government's commissions. These "activists" have tied their interests in with city governments led by Democratic Party elites under whom the very socio-economic inequalities and the police brutality they rail against have thrived, so we have to wonder: If those issues were honestly redressed, those "activists" would immediately be out of a job, since they benefit exactly by defining each and every next "social injustice" will pop up for them to then solve under the watchful glee of their paymasters.

Cullors has direct connections to Communist
Eric Mann, whom she termed her mentor

Eric Mann, a Brooklyn Levantine, placing himself in
a leadership role over Black and Chicano communities
in Los Angeles, enabled by the likes of Cullors

On 16 January 2018, Cullors gave an interview with the marxist Democracy Now! network: "Well, I’m a trained organizer. And so, I think sometimes people think that because Black Lives Matter is the biggest thing, that that’s the first thing I ever did. And it’s not. I was trained knocking on doors, you know, getting on buses and passing out flyers and getting people to join organizations. The Labor Community Strategy Center is my first political home. It’s where I would be a part of what it’s famous for, which is the Bus Riders Union." Interviewer Juan González interjected, "Started by an old friend of mine, Eric Mann", to which Cullors confirmed: "Yes, Eric Mann. That’s my mentor."

Despite all her talk of "Black Pride" and feminism, Cullors admits that she was "trained" by an agitator from outside her community, a Jewish man from Brooklyn named Eric Mann, who has a long record with such Communist organizations as the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), and the Weather Underground terrorists. Tied to the McKay Foundation of a wealthy "philanthropist" family in San Francisco devoted to "social justice" causes, Mann's Center in the Crenshaw neighborhood of Los Angeles describes itself as "an urban experiment to root grassroots organizing focusing in Black and Latino communities with deep historical ties to the long history of anti-colonial anti-imperialist pro-communist resistance to the U.S. empire. We teach and study history of the Indigenous rebellions against the initial European genocidal invasions, the Great Slave Haitian Revolution of the 1790s, the Great Slave Rebellions that won the U.S. civil war for the racist north as explained in W.E.B. DuBois’ Black Reconstruction in America. We appreciate the work of the U.S. Communist Party especially Black communists."

The Marxist rewriting of history is blatant in this passage, co-opting historical events that not only had nothing to do with their ideology but precedes the development of Communism. Nor will their rewriting of history say anything about the banking interests that profited from imperialism, being the very same interests that financed their beloved Bolshevik revolution in 1917 and various other Communist efforts. Mann is very much a Globalist elitist, his "urban experiment" fitting in with the communitarian language of the UN's Agenda 2030, and his involvement with the World Summit on Sustainable Development in 2002, "where he was elected as an NGO delegate to address the UN governments to challenge the theory of 'partnerships' and 'voluntary compliance.'" This Summit build upon the work of the Rio Earth Summit in 1992 that formulated Agenda 21 (since renamed Agenda 2030).

Source: Berthold M. Kuhn, "China's Commitment to
the Sustainable Development Goals," Chinese Political
Science Review, No. 3, 2018, pp. 359-388.

Mann's work has been promoted by the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS), a Washington, D.C.-based progressive think-tank whose start-up funding in 1963 "came from Sears heir Philip Stern, banking heir James Warburg and Fabergé cosmetics founder Samuel Rubin, later supplemented by a generous endowment from Wall Street whiz Daniel Bernstein. IPS refused to take money from the government, to be free to 'speak truth to power.'" Clearly it didn't feel the same about "speaking truth" to its Wall Street backers. Its earliest members were elite students of Marxist and Freudian theories, including social critic Marcus Raskin, sociologist David Riesman, and H. Stuart Hughes, a psychoanalyst from a wealthy political family who applied Freud's theories to the study of history. In 1983, Czech intelligence defector Ladislav Bittman, who had worked in Soviet KGB disinformation operations, accused the IPS of being one of several ostensibly "liberal" American think-tanks acting as fronts for the KGB. One of IPS's current fellows is former US intelligence officer and current Kremlin-backed Sputnik News propagandist John Kiriakou.

In 2017, the IPS awarded BLM co-founder Opal Tometi its Letelier-Moffitt Human Rights Award, whose recipients have included a host of outright Communist activists and various Globalist connections. Credited as the mastermind behind BLM's social media activities, Tometi has spoken at the Aspen Institute's Ideas Summit, an elitist think-tank funded by the Carnegie Corporation, Rockefeller Brothers Fund, Gates Foundation, Ford Foundation, and the Lumina Foundation, associated with SallieMae, the Big Bank profiting from student loans. The Ford Foundation is especially involved in funding BLM through its board of directors, who include many Wall Street CEOs and lobbyists. In 2016, the Ford Foundation announced it would donate $100 million over six years to Black-Led Movement Fund (BLMF), an umbrella group of the 14 organizations collectively called BLM, overseen by a shadowy "social justice" firm called Borealis Philanthropy. In the Ford Foundation's official announcement from the time, we see origins of the current spate of Corporations endorsing and funding the BLM movement, even down to slogans ("philanthropic allies" a precursor to "white allies"), attesting to a well-financed social engineering "experiment" by the elites rather than a grassroots effort:

"By partnering with Borealis Philanthropy, Movement Strategy Center, and Benedict Consulting to found the Black-Led Movement Fund, Ford has made six-year investments in the organizations and networks that compose the Movement for Black Lives. We also seek to complement the important work of philanthropic allies such as the Hill-Snowden Foundation, Solidaire, the NoVo Foundation, the Association of Black Foundation Executives, the Neighborhood Funders Group–Funders for Justice, Anonymous Donors, and many more. As we continue to engage with and learn from the movement, we’re eager to deepen and expand this community of social justice funders. We want to nurture bold experiments and help the movement build the solid infrastructure that will enable it to flourish." 

Susan Rosenberg, a Manhattan Jewish radical who
throughout the 70s and 80s was personally involved
in terrorist bombings by the May 19th Communist
Organization. Currently she is the vice-chair of
Thousand Currents, whose clients include BLM.

A poster of the May 19th Communist
Organization, with some of the same
current slogans and patterns as BLM.

Aside from ActBlue and Borealis Philanthropy, BLM is also a client of Thousand Currents, a non-profit that also handles administrative work for the organization. The Vice Chair of Thousand Currents' Board of Directors is Susan Rosenberg, a Manhattan Jewish radical with a long record of armed Communist subversion. She was a leading member of the May 19th Communist Organization, founded by members of the Weather Underground and Black Liberation Army. Throughout the 1970s and early 1980s, Rosenberg was personally involved in terrorist bombings and was later imprisoned until being pardoned by Bill Clinton on his final day in office. For all her paternalistic work herding Black and Puerto Rican Marxists under her direction, Rosenberg is quite open about her Jewish identity including a surprising tie-in with the supremacist Chabad movement:

"Although both her parents come from Orthodox Jewish homes, for the most part they led secular lives. Since her imprisonment, Susan Rosenberg's reaffirmation of her Jewish identity is, she says, connected to the 'profound' anti-Semitism she has encountered in prison and at the hands of law enforcement officials....'Anti-Semitism in prison is really extreme," she says, "more so than I ever experienced growing up in New York. This has really pushed me along, along with my own internal processes, to fight very hard to be a Jew in prison.' Rabbi Sholom Kalmanson, director of the Chabad House in Cincinnati, often visited Rosenberg in his capacity as Jewish chaplain at Lexington. The Rabbi was the only visitor allowed other than her parents for 14 months." (Merle Hoffman, "America's Most Dangerous Woman?" On The Issues Magazine, Vol. 13, 1989)

Also open about her own identity is BLM co-founder Alicia Garza, a paid "expert" of the Institute for New Economic Thinking (INET), an organization funded to the tune of $50 million by billionaire George Soros. Even though Garza called for "abolishing capitalism" and "building a left" at the 2015 Left Forum, apparently she has no problem with the likes of a "progressive philanthropist" like Soros. Along with his fellow venture capitalist Rob McKay, Soros is one of the leading financiers behind the Democracy Alliance, which has also funded BLM. His Open Society Foundation recently announced it would funnel "$220 million in emerging organizations and leaders building power in Black communities across the country."

Garza is one such "leader", already profiting through her position on the Board of Directors of the School of Unity and Liberation (SOUL). She also runs the National Domestic Workers Alliance, whose Board includes Alta Starr, who oversees a fund at the Ford Foundation and was an "advisor" for Open Society Foundation's Southern Initiative. Even a socialist website exposed how a leaked document from the October 2015 board meeting of US Programs/Open Society revealed the organization would provide $650,000 "to invest in technical assistance and support for the groups at the core of the burgeoning #BlackLivesMatter movement." From its inception, the hashtag corporate movement has been well-funded by various oligarchs, and led by Marxist "community organizers" who want to direct any community efforts for themselves - and profit in the process. Their talks about "capitalism" is actually about opposing free enterprise, their oligarch and banking backers seeing it as a threat from their own monopolies. Nor does it stop the likes of these BLM leaders from profit as I've shown throughout.

Garza with the founders of BLM-Toronto

The privileged co-founder of BLM Toronto, 
Yusra Khogali's Facebook post from 2015.

The hypocrisy is pronounced with BLM Toronto, whose website defines its purpose as "to dismantle all forms of state-sanctioned oppression, violence and brutality committed against African, Caribbean, and Black cis, queer, trans, and disabled populations in Toronto." Its claims to speak on behalf of these communities is disputed and some from those communities have pointed out BLM Toronto's elitism and lack of transparency. Its co-founder is Janaya Khan, married to Cullors, who profits from her speaking engagements. As program director for the nonprofit Color of Change, she seems more concerned about political campaigns and cancel culture. I cannot underscore how much BLM is an authoritarian Marxist group more concerned with its "intersectionality" dogma, using issues such as police brutality and "systemic racism" as an excuse for their own ideological power.

BLM Toronto member Sandra Hudson left her job as executive director of UofT's student union with a $277,508 severance deal, which she believed to be too little. Even while denouncing "Canadian state-sanctioned anti-blackness" (ignoring the same Canada that served as a beacon of freedom for thousands of escaped Black American slaves in the 1800s, as well as giving asylum to her own Sudanese refugee parents), BLM Toronto co-founder Yusra Khogali received a government-sanctioned "Young Women in Leadership Award" in 2018 and has enjoyed a platform to speak at Canada's state-funded universities. Khogali is the same individual known for her supremacist anti-white posts, which has never been disavowed by the privileged founders and leaders of BLM. For that matter, these self-professed Marxists ignore the racism of their ultimate ideological forerunner, Karl Marx.

BLM is a Marxist movement, hiding its true agenda under "Black Lives Matter" (Part 1)

by Sean Jobst

14 July 2020

BLM is a Marxist organization with a political agenda. It cares nothing about "Black Lives Matter" except as a shield, knowing that nobody would argue with that slogan. Shielded by sincere people who actually think its about justice, the BLM subversives even manage to make a decent slogan divisive. They murdered Jessica Doty Whitaker in Indianapolis merely for saying "All Lives Matter". Even Black people are not safe from BLM's inversion, such as their murder of 8-year-old Secoriea Turner in Atlanta, or the murder of 19-year-old Horace Lorenzo Anderson, Jr. and 16-year-old Antonio Mays, Jr. by armed "security" of CHAZ, the Seattle "autonomous" zone set up by Antifa terrorists under the banner of "Black Lives Matter". These are just some of the murders that have occurred under their auspices, yet you won't hear any of the well-funded mobs chanting "Say Their Names!" since the murderers come from their own ranks, protected by the organization and their highly-placed defenders for whom their lives apparently did not matter. 

BLM's leaders mask their true objectives under a narrative that was never for them about police brutality at all, knowing that once the mob was incited by slogans, they can exploit the situation for all its worth. They care more about "intersectionality" than police brutality; getting triggered by cancel culture than real civil liberties. Their founders and leaders are the epitome of privilege and wealth, caring nothing about the streets and communities except to manipulate mobs on behalf of their (and their financiers') Marxist ideology. A growing number of legitimate activists have publicly accused those behind the BLM organization of "hijacking" their clearly-defined cause, aware now that those leaders have a very different cause than what they hide behind.

They used the murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis as the catalyst, but in neighboring St. Paul a local BLM leader, Rashad Anthony Turner, has stepped down in protest over the organization's absolute insistence on the cause of public government schools. A staunch advocate of education equity, Turner said: "Black Lives Matter has been co-opted. The movement's been hijacked." Why should not Black parents and other families have the right to choose for themselves rather than forced to accept government schools? Clearly those interests behind the BLM movement want to control the curriculum just as they are now rewriting history and engaging in their crusade/jihad to force their dogmas through the mobs which can be easily directed and manipulated.

On 11 June 2020, two female members of the African American Community Advisory Council in Seattle were booed while telling the Antifa occupiers they hijacked the "Black Lives Matter" message by pushing such issues as defunding the police and slapping Amazon with more taxes rather than focusing on police brutality. As I've previously discussed, Antifa and the BLM movement propose Statist "solutions" that would only make the problems they allegedly rail against worse. "Defunding the police" is not about privatization but enabling a new police to carry out their own pet projects instead of other projects, while taxation would hurt factory workers and not the "woke" billionaire philanthropist who actually cares as little about Black lives and livelihood as the BLM founders. Their effort would also benefit the foreign interests (Israel's Unit 8200, the Chinese Communist Party, and Russian Eurasianists) wanting to further transfer American manufacturing and hi-tech capabilities to their countries, as well as the greedy heads of the multinational corporations who would profit more if their operations were outside America.

In Oregon, the mostly-White upper-class thugs of Antifa have brought their riots and destruction into a Black neighborhood in North Portland. This prompted a local civil rights veteran, Ron Herndon, to write to Mayor Ted Wheeler, complaining of "elements" that are "99% white": "It has nothing to do with helping Black people. These hoodlums are needlessly scaring neighbors and their children. At some point, enough is enough." The BLM organization and its media backers justify the riots by only zeroing in on peaceful protests, a diversity of tactics being within the Marxist subversive handbooks so that the violent can shield their activities behind the others. Not only are BLM and Antifa connected under the same banner, but the media talking heads have shamefully denied the very existence of Antifa, despite that terrorist group controlling the streets of Portland and many other American cities right now in efforts to create their Communist utopia out of the ruins and ashes of destruction.

That it quickly spread not only across the United States but the world reveals a concerted effort enabled by financial networks. Rather than being a grassroots effort, in Britain entertainers from privileged backgrounds and the far-leftists of the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) hijacked BLM protests for their own political agenda. This includes SWP activist Gary McFarlane, who often appears on both the BBC and Russia Today. The Black British actress Imarn Ayton, who organized two protests in London in June, stressed that BLM UK - which calls itself an "abolitionist movement" (in the same vein as Communist calls of "dismantling" the system) - is a "Marxist" movement that has "hijacked" the cause, using social media to get donations they are "not going to use that to better the black community. They are going to use it to abolish the police, remove prisons and get rid of capitalism."

In true Marxist fashion, the BLM organization has high-placed financial backers, corporate support, and was founded by three women (and its chapters in many other places repeating the same pattern) with privileged backgrounds and profiting off their cause. The claims about "capitalism" is actually about ensuring its own favored Big Banking and Big Business interests would enjoy monopolies, free from competitions in the market. The riots that have occurred under its banner - and its enablers who include the staunchest advocates of lockdowns using the virus as an excuse - have wrecked small businesses and workers in many locations. The speed with which protests initially about police killings of Black people (ignoring the other 72% which points to something deeper than the racial narrative) quickly turned into other issues having absolutely nothing to do with social justice, reveals that the organization Black  Lives Matter Global Network is a fraud manipulating an initial cause it has completely divorced from context and used to latch upon it various Marxist, "intersectional" theories owing more to stuffy university classrooms inaccessible to most people than a grassroots effort of Black communities.

The "Intersection" dogma of the Regressive/
Authoritarian Left, an excuse for Marxists to
take power through and over "oppressed" groups

BLM is a private corporation, not a non-profit organization. Its leaders are elitists who are not transparent about how donations are spent, setting up ideological-based programs rather than social initiatives in the communities. It arose out of a 2013 hashtag campaign, propelling its founders and leaders to profit through what was more a brand and not yet a concrete organization. In the process, it sidelined existing organizations, including the Santa Clarita, CA-based Black Lives Matter Foundation, registered in May 2015 by Los Angeles music producer Robert Ray Barnes who operates grassroots community projects. News outlets and funding websites have favored the Global Network over the pre-existing Foundation.

For all its talk about equality, the BLM's own website reveals an agenda that not only has nothing to do with "systemic racism" but would dismantle Black families and communities. Under "What we believe", it states: "We disrupt the Western-prescribed nuclear family structure requirement by supporting each other as extended families and 'villages' that collectively care for one another, especially our children to the degree that mothers, parents, and children are comfortable." In its "About" section, it reveals its collectivist agenda that would level the local and ethnic diversities of Black communities: "we must move beyond the narrow nationalism that is all too prevalent in Black communities. We must ensure we are building a movement that brings all of us to the front." What do these proposals have to do with police brutality and civil liberties? Its nothing but Marxist social engineering bred from the Frankfurt School, masquerading as "Black pride".  

The reality is that the three BLM founders have social and personal backgrounds that put them at odds with the nature of the oppressed, impoverished communities they anointed themselves to represent. They rail against the same "systemic racism" that was no barrier to their own higher university degrees or wealth. Patrisse Cullors and Alicia Garza place just as much focus on their sexual orientation as their race. Garza further holds to an identity which is just as much Jewish as Black. As the daughter of Nigerian immigrants, Opal Tometi has a different experience than the descendants of Africans who were brought here hundreds of years ago as slaves and evolved their unique culture, which is perhaps why she latches issues such as mass immigration upon the cause. This is why the three prefer to divert attention to "intersectional" issues than a very specific focus where true lasting change could be effective. At the very least, we can say these anointed leaders do not represent a legitimate cross-section of American Black communities. These three are Marxist community organizers who see their collectivist subversion as the way for their own personal and ideological power. I will delve deeper into their specific Communist and Globalist connections in Part 2....